Despite
the collapse of talks at Seattle the EU, led by its executive arm, the European
Commission, still favours a comprehensive new round of trade negotiations. Trade
commissioner Lamy has been holding a series of informal talks with the US
Secretary of State for trade Mrs Bashefsky. Mr Lamy is also lobbying developing
countries to ensure their support for such a trade round. He has recently been
to India, and will soon travel to Brazil (this week), to Cairo for the EU-Africa
summit, and will attend the EU-Mercusor negotiations in April. A new trade round
as envisaged by the EU includes issues like investment, government procurement,
competition, market access, environment and labour standards.
The
European Union has a common tariff level for all forest products. On most forest
products the tariff level is zero, with the exception of some manufactured
goods, such as builders joinery and carpentry wood (2.1%), boards (4.9 %) and
plywood (7.0%), and also live trees (8.4%).
The EU has
always opposed the APEC-proposed acceleration of tariff liberalisation, the
ATL proposal. Most of the European based timber industries, notably the Finnish,
are not in favour of the ATL proposal. Labour and related costs in Europe are
considerably higher than in the US or Canada. As the ATL proposal would have
quite likely benefited 'low cost' countries more than 'high cost' countries,
this might be one of the reasons for the lack of industry's enthusiasm for the
ATL proposal. Nevertheless the EU is and has always been in favour of further
tariff liberalisation in general and a strong proponent of market access as
part of a new trade round. According to the bilateral trade agreements that
the EU has recently negotiated with South Africa and Mexico[1],
the EU will eliminate all remaining tariffs by 2003 and its partners will remove
all their tariffs in 4 stages by 2007.
The European
Commission has created a market access and trade barriers database that includes
impact analyses, by country, of tariff and tariff escalation on EU export industries[2]. No analysis
is carried out on the socially and environmentally
protective impacts these tariff levels may have for the importing countries.
European industries are encouraged to send relevant information on the trade
barriers that they encounter exporting to third countries.
The European Commission has made
clear that it wishes to include non-tariff measures in trade negotiations; at
the same time, however, it risks running into trouble regarding WTO
compatibility over its own eco-label scheme.
According to the database created by
the Commission on trade-distorting measures, non-tariff barriers to trade in
forest products include: import prohibitions/quotas, export restrictions such as
log export bans, state trading enterprises, standards and other technical
requirements, local content schemes and subsidies.
The EU wants to include non-tariff
measures in market access negotiations at the WTO. This position was reiterated
in the EU submission on trade at the Intergovernmental Forum on Forests in New
York (31 January - 9 February), in which it stated its support for:
"
continued efforts by countries and the WTO to liberalise trade and to improve
market access, including for sustainably managed forest products and services,
with special attention to substantially reducing tariffs as well as non-tariff
measures that restrict or distort trade while allowing for the optimal use of
the world's resources in accordance with the objectives of sustainable
management."
It further urges:
"countries,
international organisations [, including WTO] and other interested parties to
undertake as appropriate, further co-operative work on voluntary certification
and/or labelling schemes, in line with the recommendations of IPF while seeking
their international compatibility and considering their equivalence…"
Under the section on non-tariff barriers
in the EU Mexico agreement[3],
the EU also supports efforts to harmonise labelling schemes.
"working
towards the approximation and simplification of labelling requirements,
including voluntary schemes"
The
Directorate General for Trade wants to include the EU's eco-label scheme in
market access negotiations. As this is a government-led scheme, harshly attacked
by the forestry industries particularly in Canada, the EU fears that a complaint
might be presented to the WTO's to be dealt with by the WTO's dispute settlement
mechanism. The outcome of a challenge to the eco-label scheme would be very
unsure. Therefore, the Commission under its WTO negotiating agenda proposals
for environment is seeking to ensure the WTO recognises the EU ecolabel
scheme as WTO compatible. The Commission would be more likely to obtain WTO
recognition for the eco-labelling scheme under a new negotiation round.
The
EU ecolabel scheme deals with products varying from washing machines to paper.
Forest NGOs have been concerned about the eco-label scheme as its criteria for
forest management are extremely weak, based on the Helsinki criteria for
European forests and related statements for non-European forests.
Although
the EU and Japan, as well as the APEC study on non-tariff measures confirm that
voluntary non-governmental certification schemes should not be considered non
tariff measures, Commission services are discussing the possibility of
establishing a framework for certification at EU level. This could create the
same problems the EU is facing with its eco-label scheme. However, it is fair to
say that not much support exists within the Commission to establish such a
framework.
The
Commission is preparing a tender for an in-depth analysis of trade and
investment barriers encountered in certain non-Community countries and in
different sectors, including mechanical woodworking, paper and pulp.
Agriculture sector.
It is common knowledge
that agriculture, through its impact on land-use patterns, has a great impact on
forests. Agriculture
is part of the so-called ‘built-in agenda’ and liberalisation negotiations
are starting in Geneva. Most countries are demanding that the EU abolish its
agricultural export subsidies under the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). A lot
of pressure has also been applied for the EU to abolish its domestic support
measures -which are part of CAP-, including direct payments to farmers. Many
environment and development NGOs have campaigned against the CAP because of its
detrimental impacts on developing countries' economies. The EU still maintains
high import tariffs for many agricultural products, thereby further
discriminating against developing countries. Most NGOs therefore want the EU to
move away from production-related direct support towards more sustainable rural
development schemes. As the farmers lobby is strong in many European countries
this is a tough battle.
Although some agricultural liberalisation could
be environmentally and socially beneficial, reforms should be carefully crafted
to allow support measures related to social and environmental objectives (i.e.
for the protection of forest and biodiveristy and other rural development
schemes).
NGOs were disappointed by the outcome of the
1999 CAP negotiations, which formed the basis of the EU's position on
agriculture liberalisation. Environment NGOs had lobbied for less production
subsidies and more environment protection measures. However, the amount of
direct support was not reduced, the EU did not cut down on its export subsidies
and the financial envelope for sustainable rural development was disappointing.
An instrument is being developed that, it is hoped,
will permit an evaluation of the economic, social and environmental effects
of trade liberalisation: a sustainability impact assessment. The Directorate
General for Trade held a meeting on the results of its preliminary
SIA[4],
prepared for the Seattle ministerial. NGOs presented a joint statement to the
Commission strongly criticising the methodology and process followed.
The methodology that has been developed attempts to
combine both quantitative (e.g. regression analysis) and qualitative (e.g. case
studies) impact assessment techniques. However, due to the time constraints
faced by the consultants, the preliminary SIA is based on common sense judgment
derived from the literature review and discussions with "experts".
Forests are not the main focus of the SIA. However,
reference to the impact of further trade liberalization on forests is recognized
under the section on tariff liberalization of non-agricultural products. The SIA
also concludes that tariff escalation can contribute to an increase in
environmental pressure in terms of natural resources. Higher tariffs on plywood
than logs may contribute to an increase in the extraction rate from forests in
exporting countries. The study also points out that further liberalization is
likely to have negative environmental impacts in resource-based industries if
increased trade liberalization encourages increased rates of depletion of
natural resources, such as fish stocks and forests.
Bilateral
The bilateral agreements agreed by the EU with
South Africa and Mexico both support the EU's comprehensive trade liberalisation
approach: investment, government procurement and competition are all included.
However, environment protection and the recognition of Multilateral Environment
Agreements are notable through their absence. A free trade agreement also exists
with Canada since 1998.
Regional agreements
The EU is negotiating a bilateral agreement with
Mercosur. It is also in the process of negotiating a Euro Mediterranean free
trade zone with its 12 Mediterranean partner countries.
On 3 February 2000 the European Community (EC)
and 71 African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) States (i.e. the 'former colonies')
concluded negotiations on a Partnership Agreement (PA) aimed at the
establishment of a new framework for their future relations. The Agreement will,
inter alia, regulate trade between
these two groups of countries, as well as the political dimension of their
relations, their development cooperation strategies and their financial
cooperation subsequent to the expiration of the fourth Lomé Convention on 29
February 2000.
The trade provisions of the new ACP-EC PA, which
will enter into force on 1st March 2000, cover a period of 8 years (Art.37.1) in
preparation of a WTO-compatible regime. The Parties' ultimate objective is to
integrate the ACP States successfully
into the world economy and the multilateral trading system. At the end of
the preparatory period, the Parties will conclude a new trading arrangement that
will be fully compatible with their WTO obligations; they will progressively
remove barriers to trade between them and enhance cooperation in all areas
relevant to trade (Art.36. 1 and 2).
In the meantime, a waiver has been requested
from the WTO regarding the preferential treatment given by the EU to the ACP
countries.
[1] DG Trade website, agreement in 2000 Mexico 1 March
[2] http://mkaccdb.eu.int/mkdb/. Note: this data base is only accessible from the 15 European member states
[3] Text of decision 2 18/1/2000
[4]
The aim of the study is to
develop a methodology to assess the sustainability of WTO trade liberalization
(Phase I) and to apply it to a broad assessment the EC's proposals for the
New Trade Round (Phase II). The SIA aims to analyze the economic, environmental
and social impacts of trade liberalization and their implication for sustainable
development. It covers 15 different issues, from agriculture, through tariffs
on non-agricultural products, to investment and relations
between the WTO and multilateral environment agreements. The trade-off for
this breadth of analysis is the lack of depth
of each sector analysis (Oxfam, Save the Children, Actionaid and WWF critique
of the SIA).